2011年硕士研究生入学考试?考试虫英语(1)8套模拟试卷 (平装) 9787801832481

《2011年硕士研究生入学考试·考试虫英语(1)8套模拟试卷》是在总结多年命题经验的基础上，严格按照考试大纲命制，并经命题权威把关。无论在深度和广度，还是在风格上都与真题高度一致，难度控制在略高于真题水平。多年的教学经验表明：不经过高质量、高难度试题的检测和磨练，考生是很难考出好成绩的。 《2011年硕士研究生入学考试·考试虫英语(1)8套模拟试卷》为王若平老师的静心之作 除了真题外，这是一本很难得的高质量模拟题集 题目设置深度、广度、风格都和真题高度一致 全译文+详解 细心的读者一定会认识到其水准和内涵也会因此而受益 全国硕士研究生英语人学考试是国家选拔硕士研究生的主要途径，在全国统一招生考试中，就考试水准和层次而言，目前是我国最高水平的。从测试学看，它应是“常模参照”考试，即选拔性考试。其命题工作须坚持的原则是：既有利于为国家选拔高层次的人才，又有利于高等学校的教学，强调在考查知识的基础上重点考查考生分析问题和解决实际问题的能力。 本书的试题是在全面总结了命题工作经验的基础上，严格按照考试新大纲命制，并经新大纲变化研究权威把关，无论从深度、广度还是风格上都与真题高度一致。“梅花香自苦寒来”，我们多年的教学经验表明：考生如果没有刻苦钻研的精神，不经过高难度、高强度的科学训练，是很难考出好成绩的，故本书适当加大了训练的难度和强度。这样做的目的在于使考生更能暴露自己的问题，提高临场的应变能力。同学们做错题时，不必太计较结果，不必为“错得一塌糊涂”而懊恼，更不要失去信心。应该理性分析命题思路，发现命题者精心设计的陷阱，找出自己的薄弱环节，深刻反省自己思维上的习惯性错误，从而真正提高得分能力。 在奥运会上，很多赛前感觉极好的运动员未必能获得佳绩，相反在赛前不被看好的运动员却在比赛中取得了出人意料的成绩，这就是考试与奥运会的共同之处。不就题论题，而是要通过对试题的比较，发现规律性的东西，这才是考试的制胜之道。 发现自己实力不足时，同学们可参考《硕士研究生英语入学考试阅读基本功难句过关》（王若平主编）（5-10句／日）和《硕士研究生英语入学考试阅读专项训练》（王若平主编）（2篇／日）夯实基础。记住：实力永远是第一位的。 如果发现自己的问题是对题型规律性的认识不足，可以参考《硕士研究生英语入学考试阅读手记》（王若平主编）把握解题规律，从而提高解题技巧。最后预祝大家考试成功！ Wedged between stalls of dried fish and mounds of plastic goods, a red shipping container is loaded with Coca-Cola bottles. The local distributor for Soweto market, located in a tatty corner of Zambia's capital city, Lusaka, sells all its stock every few days. A full load costs 10m kwacha （about $ 2,000）. In cash, this amount can be hard to get hold of, takes ages to count and —— being ten times the average annual wage —— is tempting to thieves. So Coca-Cola now tells its 300 Zambian distributors to pay for deliveries not in cash, but by sending text messages from their mobile phones. The proeess takes about 30 seconds, and the driver issues a receipt. This is just one example of the many innovative ways in which mobile phones are being used in the poorest parts of the world. Anecdotal evidence for mobile phones' ability to boost economic activity is abundant. Mobile phones reduce transaction costs, broaden trade networks and substitute for costly physical transport. They are of particular value when other means of communication are poor or non-existent. This can be hard for people in the rich world to understand, because the ways in which mobile phones are used in the poor world are so different. In particular, phones are widely shared. One person in a village buys a mobile phone, perhaps using a micro-credit loan. Others then rent it out by the minute; the small profit margin enables its owner to pay back the loan and make a living. When the phone rings, its owner carries it to the home of the person being called, who then takes the call. Other entrepreneurs can set up as "text message interpreters", sending and receiving text messages on behalf of their customers, who may be illiterate. So although the number of phones per 100 people is low by rich-world standards, they still make a big difference. A new study by Leonard Waverman, an economics consultant, provides the most detailed analysis yet of the relationship between mobile phones and economic growth. This makes sense, since in most poor countries mobiles are the first phone networks to be widely deployed; there are relatively few fixed-line phones. Mr. Waverman's model suggests that in a typical developing country, an increase of ten mobile phones per 100 people boosts GDP growth by 0.6 percentage points. To illustrate his findings, Mr. Waverman considers Indonesia （nine mobile phones per 100 people） and the Philippines （27 phones per 100 people）. Long-run growth in the Philippines, he suggests, could be a percentage point higher than in Indonesia if this gap is maintained. But if Indonesia closed the gap, its growth rate would match that of the Philippines. For policymakers interested in closing the "digital divide" to boost growth, the message is clear: mobile phones are the most effective means of doing so.